By Greg Sargent
Opinion writer
We don’t
know whether Matthew Whitaker, Trump’s replacement for Jeff Sessions,
will go through with these things. But here’s something we can conclude
right now: Trump surely picked Whitaker, Sessions’s chief of staff,
expressly to put him in the position of being able to do any and all of
them.
Unlike Sessions, who recused himself from the probe, Whitaker will oversee it, whereas before, that had fallen to Deputy Attorney General Rod J. Rosenstein. Whitaker can theoretically fire
Mueller by invoking some rationale that fulfills the relevant
regulations’ requirement for “cause,” or he can revoke those
regulations. Or he can severely limit the scope of the investigation, or
starve it of funds.
Ask
yourself: What would this look like if Republicans had held the House?
We would be concluding that Trump is taking steps to close down or limit
the probe, or keep its findings covered up, in the full knowledge that
congressional Republicans will let him get away with it. Which is why
it’s a good thing that Democrats did capture the House.
At his news conference on Wednesday in the wake of the Democratic victory, Trump raged over the investigation. He said
that if House Democrats investigate his administration — an activity
known as congressional oversight — that the White House can retaliate
by investigating Democrats. Trump vowed
a “warlike posture.” This lays the groundwork to dramatically resist
whatever Democrats do in response to Trump’s moves against the Mueller
probe.
So what can Democrats do in these scenarios, once they’re in the majority? Here’s a rundown:
House Democrats can investigate the firing of Sessions. The question of whether Trump fired Sessions or whether Sessions merely resigned is critical. If Trump fired Sessions, it might not be legit
that Trump replaced him with an acting attorney general (Whitaker) who
didn’t require Senate confirmation (which Trump may have wanted to do to
insulate the replacement from questioning from senators about his
intention toward the Mueller probe). Mueller could conceivably challenge the appointment in court if Whitaker does try to shut down or severely constrain the probe.
Though the White House claims Sessions resigned at Trump’s “request,” it seems obvious that Trump did fire him. The Post reports
that Sessions thought staying would protect “the investigation’s
integrity,” which would leave the country “better served,” as its
findings will be “more credible to the American public.” So House
Democrats can try to investigate the circumstances leading up to
Sessions’s “resignation,” to determine whether Sessions did resist it
and was fired.
“The rationale would be that they
were investigating to determine whether Sessions was fired as part of a
conspiracy to obstruct justice,” Josh Chafetz, a professor at Cornell
Law School, told me. “This could entail requests for documents and
witness testimony.”
Subpoena Sessions himself.
House Democrats can try to question Sessions himself, both about the
circumstances surrounding his firing and, more broadly, about the
repeated private meetings in which Trump raged at him for failing to
protect him from the investigation. Sessions would likely assert
executive privilege regarding his conversations with Trump.
But
Democrats have recourse. They can “haul Sessions in and make him refuse
to answer questions live, on TV,” Chafetz told me. “Then, after some
arguing back and forth, if Democrats decide that the assertion of
privilege is improper, they can hold him in contempt.” Whether that
would do much is anybody’s guess, but at least the spectacle of Sessions
refusing to say whether Trump forced him out and why would be
dramatized for the country.
Subpoena Mueller’s findings. Under the regulations governing
the special counsel, he is to provide a “confidential” report
explaining his conclusions to the person overseeing the probe — who
would have been Rosenstein but now will be Whitaker. It is Whitaker who
is then supposed to provide a report to the bipartisan leaders of the House and Senate judiciary committees, which gives him a great deal of discretion to decide how much to put in that report.
Whitaker
could theoretically report little to nothing, in effect covering up
what Mueller learned. “Democrats could subpoena Mueller’s findings,”
Chafetz tells me. “But expect the White House to put up a fight in
response to the subpoena.” Other legal experts think
that if the White House defied such a subpoena, the courts would rule
against them, meaning Congress would get Mueller’s findings.
As Chafetz has written elsewhere,
one key thing Democrats must think hard about is how to use such
proceedings to inform the public about what’s happening, both for
political and substantive reasons.
Impeach the acting attorney general. This is a far-fetched scenario, but it’s not an impossibility. As it is, Whitaker has publicly opined that Mueller has gone too far in probing Trump’s finances and has openly suggested that one option is to de-fund the investigation. On these grounds, Democrats have called for his recusal.
Here
an irony kicks in. A handful of House Republicans loyal to Trump tried
to impeach Rosenstein earlier this year on grounds so specious that even many Republicans, including the leadership, rejected it.
It’s hard to say what circumstances might justify such a move against
Whitaker, if any, but if he shuts down the Mueller probe without good
cause, that might be seen as extremely serious misconduct — far more
serious than what Republicans alleged against Rosenstein.
Jonathan
Adler, a law professor at Case Western University, points out that
there are other forms of misconduct Whitaker could commit. Whether or
not his public opinions merit recusal, he should still solicit a Justice
Department ethics opinion on whether he should oversee the probe.
“Rosenstein did this, and some Republicans still called for his
impeachment,” Adler notes. “If Whitaker fails to take the same prudent
step, it would be inexcusable.”
It seems
obvious that once Democrats take over the House, we are headed for a
major escalation in hostilities. Trump is already testing to see what he
can get away with, so it’s good that leading Democrats just responded
with a letter
calling on Republicans to hold emergency hearings on Trump’s move,
arguing that the appointment of Whitaker is precipitating a
“constitutional crisis.”
Republicans will shrug, but this suggests
Democrats recognize the gravity of the moment and are organizing to
respond accordingly.