An arm of the White House’s anti-drug office has asked Massachusetts and
several other states where medical marijuana is legal to turn over
information about registered patients, triggering a debate over privacy
rights and whether state officials should cooperate with a federal
administration that appears hostile to the drug.
There were plenty of crazy comments from Donald Trump’s rally in Phoenix
earlier this week, but one that got overlooked was the statement the
President made that showed that he has no idea how coal works.
He
mentioned in his speech that “clean coal” is when workers take the coal
and then clean it – He literally thinks that they sit there with a
bucket of soap and water and scrub the dirt off the coal!
Yeah, that’ll
fix our emissions problems. Ring of Fire’s Farron Cousins discusses
this.
Melissa Byrne is a political strategist living in Philadelphia.
Trump at his Trump Tower news conference last week. (Jim Watson/AFP/Getty Images)
Like
many events that end up with a person in handcuffs, my story begins in a
bar. I was in Atlanta earlier this month for Netroots Nation, the
annual meeting of progressive organizers and writers, when I overheard
friends discussing how to resist President Trump’s first visit to Trump
Tower. I jumped into the conversation: “Well, you call me, of course.”
Twenty minutes later, we had a rough plan that we would unfurl a banner
inside Trump Tower the following week. I have been to many protests
since the inauguration, and I was proud to do my part.
Together
with Ultraviolet and the Working Families Party, we commissioned a
painted banner that simply read “Women Resist White Supremacy.” Through
sheer luck, not only would Trump be in Trump Tower during my act of
resistance, but he would be giving a news conference about 3:30 p.m. I
knew from my previous work as a campaign advancer that the Secret
Service would begin sweeps to clear the space about an hour before he
spoke, so the best possible time for the action was 2 p.m.
Unlike
previous presidents, Trump’s home is in a public space. You don’t have
to sneak into Trump Tower. You enter via an atrium next to a Nike store.
Then you pass through airport-style security run by the Secret Service.
I wore my banner as a slip of sorts under my flowy dress. It was made
of fabric, so it didn’t set off the metal detector.
Protesters gathered outside Trump Tower in
Manhattan on Aug. 14, as Trump arrived back for the first time
since being inaugurated into office.
(evilevestrikesagain/Instagram)
Like every good political operative — I worked
for Sen. Bernie Sanders’s (I-Vt.) 2016 campaign and then the MoveOn
super PAC supporting Hillary Clinton’s campaign — I run on coffee.
Conveniently, the Starbucks inside Trump Tower is located on the second
floor and overlooks an atrium — exactly where I’d want to hang the
banner. I sipped a flat white and waited for the right moment, when
uniformed NYPD wouldn’t be nearby. Then I unfurled the banner. A
security officer grabbed it almost immediately. I ended up on the
ground.
Since
Starbucks is a public place and I was a paying guest, I knew I hadn’t
violated any laws. At worst, I could be banned from the building. I
expected from past protest actions that I’d be given a warning and a
request to leave. I clearly and politely explained to the NYPD officers
who detained me that the protest was done and I was heading out.
They had other ideas.
A
detective grabbed my wrist and cuffed me. A gaggle of officers from
multiple law enforcement agencies escorted me to a room near the atrium.
A few chairs had Trump campaign materials plastered on them. Inside the
room with me were more than 10 officers from the NYPD and the Secret
Service.
Then the questions began, and they were bananas. A young
woman from the Secret Service began the questioning; male NYPD officers
tagged in and out. They never asked me whether I understood my rights,
and I wasn’t actually sure at that moment what rights, if any, I had. I
was focused on not getting put in a car and being whisked away.
It
was clear right away that these officials wouldn’t see me the way I see
myself: as a reasonably responsible, skilled nonviolent political
operative who works on a mix of electoral and issues campaigns. To them,
I was clearly a threat to national security. It felt like an
interrogation on “Homeland.” Here are my favorite parts of the
conversation, as I remember them.
NYPD: “Why would you come to the president’s home to do this?”
Me: “It was wrong for the president to support white supremacy.”
NYPD: “Don’t you respect the president?”
Me: “I don’t respect people who align with Nazis.”
Secret Service: “Do you have negative feelings toward the president?”
Me: “Yes.”
Secret Service: “Can you elaborate?”
Me: “He should be impeached and should not be president.”
They
were concerned with who bought my train ticket, once they saw the
receipt on my phone. The NYPD officers didn’t seem to believe me that
some organizations work for justice and organize these legal protests.
Each time they touched my phone, I said I don’t consent to the search of
my phone. (They held my phone during the interview, and I can only hope
they didn’t poke around it — although they wouldn’t have found much to
interest them, unless they like Bernie GIF's.)
Secret Service: “Have you ever been inside the White House?
Me: “Yes.”
Secret Service: “How many times?”
Me: “Many. I was a volunteer holiday tour guide for the White House Visitors Center.”
Secret Service, eyes wide: “When was the last time you were there?”
Me: “December.” I explained that I probably wouldn’t be invited back until we have a new president.
The
officers ran through a raft of predictable questions about firearms. (I
don’t own any, and they seemed puzzled by my commitment to nonviolence
as a philosophy.) They asked whether I wanted to hurt the president or
anyone in his family. Obviously not. Then came the mental health
questions.
Secret Service: “Do you have any mental health disorders?”
Me: “No.”
Secret Service: “Have you ever tried to commit suicide?”
Me: “No.”
Secret Service: “Have you ever had suicidal thoughts?”
Me: “No.”
I
was trying very hard not to roll my eyes at the repeated questions when
an NYPD detective suggested my protest could be charged as a felony. In
the next second, the Secret Service agents asked me to sign Health
Insurance Portability and Accountability Act waivers so they could
gather all my medical records. My mind was still focused on the f-word:
felony. But I didn’t want to sign the waivers.
I
meekly asked whether I should talk to a lawyer. I was told it was my
prerogative but also that it might mean I’d be held longer. Being in a
room with that many enforcement agents hurt my ability to reason
dispassionately, and I was now looking at a criminal record from a
basic, even banal, nonviolent protest. I signed the forms.
Trump
was about to start his now-famous news conference, and the Secret
Service needed to resume patrols. They let me go with just a ban from
the building.
Trump on Aug. 15 said that “there’s blame on both sides” for the violence that erupted in Charlottesville on Aug. 12.
(Bastien Inzaurralde/The Washington Post)
But a few days later, I heard they were
canvassing my neighborhood, in West Philadelphia, looking for
information about me, including from people I’ve never met. One woman
they approached found my contact information online and told me about
this exchange in a Facebook Messenger request. They asked her whether
she knew me and whether I was a threat to the president. Since I live in
West Philly, she replied that the only threat lives in the White House
and that the president is racist.
Secret Service: “Do you know Melissa Byrne?”
Neighbor: “No.”
Secret Service: “Why would she protest President Trump?”
Neighbor: “Because he’s a fucking racist.”
Thanks, neighbor!
In
the end, I couldn’t stop wondering why they were devoting so much time
to me when they could be pursuing neo-Nazis. I was treated as a national
security threat when all I’d done was exercise my First Amendment right
to free expression. This isn’t normal, and it shouldn’t be how
nonviolent protesters are treated by armed agents of the government.
"The Seattle livestream began in fairly typical Alex Jones style, with
the InfoWars host using a recent global tragedy (Barcelona) as an excuse
to rant about one of his favorite boogeymen (the lame-stream media).
But it soon devolved into a random dude opening up his thermos and
soaking Jones in coffee.
Who could have possibly foreseen that Jones wouldn't be greeted warmly in famously liberal Seattle?
In
response to a question about whether a wild Alex Jones unleashed on
city streets is worthy of police intervention, the Seattle PD responded
with an awe-inspiring burn.”
CNN’s Brooke Baldwin on Friday had a priceless reaction to the news that
Donald Trump has fired chief White House strategist Steve Bannon,
reading headlines from the president’s “chaotic four weeks” that were so
long she had to stop and drink a cup of water.
Lawrence O'Donnell reacts to Donald Trump's newest lie about
fighting terrorism, as well as top Republican senator Bob Corker saying
Donald Trump lacks the "stability" and "competence" to be president.
In this ‘Dollemore Daily’ Jesse addresses Heather Heyer's memorial
service which wasn't attended by Donald Trump. Instead, he sent a
tweet... A stark juxtaposition against the actions of President Barack
Obama in the face of similar circumstances.
Bill Bunting doesn’t take kindly to white supremacy. Cenk Uygur, Ana
Kasparian, and Brett Erlich, hosts of The Young Turks, discuss. Tell us
what you think in the comment section below. http://www.tytnetwork.com/join
"Man Speaks Out Against White Nationalist Rally In Charlottesvlle VA: "We Was Not Born Hating"
During
the recent events from Charlottesville VA, Bill Bunting took to his
Facebook to speak on his disappointment and how the group does not
represent him.”
The Justice Department wants to know who’s visiting this anti-Trump
website. Cenk Uygur and Ana Kasparian, the hosts of The Young Turks,
break it down. Tell us what you think in the comment section below. https://tytnetwork.com/join/
“The
Department of Justice has requested information on visitors to a
website used to organize protests against President Trump, the Los
Angeles-based Dreamhost said in a blog post published on Monday.
Dreamhost,
a web hosting provider, said that it has been working with the
Department of Justice for several months on the request, which believes
goes too far under the Constitution.
DreamHost claimed that the
complying with the request from the Justice Department would amount to
handing over roughly 1.3 million visitor IP addresses to the government,
in addition to contact information, email content and photos of
thousands of visitors to the website, which was involved in organizing
protests against Trump on Inauguration Day.
“That information could
be used to identify any individuals who used this site to exercise and
express political speech protected under the Constitution’s First
Amendment,” DreamHost wrote in the blog post on Monday. “That should be
enough to set alarm bells off in anyone’s mind.”
When contacted,
the Justice Department directed The Hill to the U.S. attorney's office
in D.C. The U.S. attorney's office declined to comment but provided the
filings related to the case.
The company is currently challenging the request. A hearing on the matter is scheduled for Friday in Washington.”
In this ‘Dollemore Daily’ Jesse addresses Donald Trump's forced
condemnation of alt-right racist white supremacist terrorists, followed
by his immediate retweeting of one of them, sending a signal of support
and alliance.
According to a report from state news channel Fox News, Donald Trump is “seriously considering” pardoning Crooked Joe Arpaio, who was recently convicted
of criminal contempt of court for his racist and illegal campaign
against Latinos and immigrants in Maricopa County as sheriff.
He faces
up to six months for his reign of terror.
“I am seriously considering a pardon for
Sheriff Arpaio,” the president reportedly told Fox News at his club in
Bedminster, N.J. “He has done a lot in the fight against illegal
immigration. He’s a great American patriot and I hate to see what has
happened to him.”
Arpaio is scheduled to be sentenced Oct. 5
and could spend up to six months in jail. Though his attorneys are
planning on appealing the conviction, a presidential pardon would be the
swiftest exit from the case.
Trump told the network the pardon could come as early as this week.
In this ‘Dollemore Daily’ Jesse addresses Donald Trump's White House
Senior Domestic Policy Advisor, Stephen Miller, and his troubling past.
Including his close relationship with Nazi Richard Spencer.
While the downfall of Donald Trump is far from assured, the
signs are multiplying that the Republicans are preparing for a world in
which Trump is no longer commander-in-chief. This is not the dreaming
of the liberal resistance or the conservative #NeverTrump crowd; we’re
talking about the actions of the Republican leadership, rank and file
and Vice President Mike Pence himself.
No, the Republicans are not
going to impeach Trump, demand his resignation or invoke the 25th
Amendment to say he is incapacitated. But they are preparing escape
routes from the fallout from his dismal poll numbers, stalled legislative agenda and mounting legal problems.
Six
months ago, Republicans, whatever their qualms, saw no need for such
planning. The 45th president, it was assumed, would sign into law the
agenda of the congressional Republicans. The GOP would, in return,
accommodate the president on his signature issues: jobs, immigration
crackdown, revisiting free trade agreements, and restoring friendlier
relations with Russia. With complete control of the government, the
Republican vision seemed realistic.
Fat chance. Impulsive,
unfocused and mendacious, Trump is now treated as an unpredictable
menace against whom Republicans must build defenses. These defenses can
also serve as escape routes if and when the GOP feels the need to break
with the president.
1. The Sanctions Firewall
On July 27, House and Senate Republicans voted overwhelmingly to
impose tougher sanctions on Russia, dooming Trump's yearning to make
nice with Russian president Vladimir Putin. The president's allies
originally resisted the additional financial penalties, but caved in
under the weight of Trump's repeated lies about his campaign's contacts
with Russians and his refusal to acknowledge the U.S. intelligence
finding that Russia interfered on his behalf in the 2016 presidential
election.
Trump's identification with Russia has become so toxic
that virtually every member of his party took the opportunity to reject
it. The president can be accused of coddling Putin, but all of his
putative allies on Capitol Hill have inoculated themselves against the
charge.
2. The Sessions Firewall
Trump’s
attempts to humiliate Attorney General Jeff Sessions into quitting were a
transparent gambit to create a vacancy at the top of the Justice
Department. With the Senate out of session in August, Trump could then
make a “recess appointment” of a new AG who would not need Senate
confirmation. The new AG could then fire independent counsel Robert
Mueller, as Trump has made clear he wants to do.
In response, Senate Republicans united to set up a procedure under
which the Senate is not formally recessed during the August break. If
you check the Senate calendar for August, you will find a succession of
days dedicated to "pro forma business," which means “keeping the president from doing something stupid.”
To
underscore their resolve, Senator Chuck Grassley (R-Iowa), a stalwart
conservative and chairman of the Senate Judiciary Committee, added that there is “no way” the Senate would consider confirming a new attorney general if Sessions were fired.
If Trump fires Sessions, Republicans now have a position from which to oppose him.
3. The Mueller Firewall
Two Senate Republicans have gone further to protect Mueller past August.
Thom Tillis, a hard-right Republican from North Carolina, has joined with Delaware Democrat Chris Coons in co-sponsoring legislation allowing the special counsel to make a legal challenge to any dismissal that would be reviewed by a three-judge panel.
Asked
by Fox News if the measure was intended to protect Mueller from being
fired by Trump, Tillis said, “There's no question that it is.”
“Any
effort to go after Mueller could be the beginning of the end of the
Trump presidency unless Mueller did something wrong,” Graham told
reporters when introducing the bill.
If Trump does fire Mueller, the Republicans have established a strategy for separating themselves from the White House.
4. The Pivot to Taxes
Senate
Republicans are ignoring Trump’s insistence that they continue the
party’s failed effort to repeal the Affordable Care Act.
Majority
Leader Mitch McConnell and House Speaker Paul Ryan say they are moving
on to tax legislation, which they feel offers a better chance of
success.
Senate Finance Chairman Orrin Hatch (R-Utah) rejected Trump's call, saying, “We’re
not going back to health care. We’re in tax now. As far as I’m
concerned, they shot their wad on health care and that’s the way it is.
I’m sick of it.”
Sen. Lamar Alexander (R-Tenn.), chairman of the
health committee, is working with Sen. Patty Murray (D-Wash.) and
Democrats on potential measures to shore up, not repeal, the Affordable
Care Act.
When Trump threatened the health care plans of Congress if the Senate didn’t heed his demand, Republicans called his bluff. He predictably moved on to other obsessions.
5. The 2020 Escape Hatch
The New York Times reported that interviews with 75 Republicans at every level of the party reveal “widespread uncertainty about
whether Mr. Trump would be on the ballot in 2020 and little doubt that
others in the party are engaged in barely veiled contingency planning.”
Pence has set up a presidential political action committee, the first sitting vice president to do so.
Pence’s outraged reaction to the Times story
only underscored how threatening the perception of post-Trump planning
is to the White House. Yet post-Trump planning is visible everywhere.
Conservative Republicans with presidential ambitions, like Ben Sasse and
Tom Cotton, are cultivating donors and advisers as if there were no
Republican incumbent in the White House.
Rep. Charles Dent, a
senior Republican from Pennsylvania and a relative moderate, said many
in the party would welcome Trump’s exit.
“For some, it is for
ideological reasons, and for others it is for stylistic reasons,” Dent
said, complaining about the “exhausting” amount of “instability, chaos
and dysfunction” surrounding Trump.
Six months ago, the
Republicans gave Donald Trump the benefit of the doubt. Now they doubt
he will benefit them, and they are acting accordingly.
In this ‘Dollemore Daily’ Jesse Dollemore addresses Donald Trump and his THANKS
and APPRECIATION to Vladimir Putin after having retaliated against
almost 800 U.S. State Department employees working in Russia.
Why Can't Donald Trump Say a Single Bad Thing About Vladimir Putin?
Randi Rhodes Number-one ranked progressive radio talk show host,
political commentator, entertainer, and writer. The Randi Rhodes Show
was broadcast nationally on Air America Radio, and Premiere Radio
Networks from 2004–2014. Rhodes represents aggressively independent
media.
The Miami Herald described her as "a chain-smoking bottle
blonde, part Joan Rivers, part shock jock Howard Stern, and part
Saturday Night Live’s ‘Coffee Talk’ Lady. But mostly, she's her rude,
crude, loud, brazen, gleeful self."
Rhodes and her show won numerous
awards for journalism and broadcasting, including Radio Ink’s Most
Influential Woman, Radio Ink’s Most Influential Women’s list (multiple
years), TALKERS magazine’s Woman of the Year, and the Judy Jarvis
Memorial Award for Contributions to the Talk Industry by a Woman.
Donald Trump and National Security Adviser H.R. McMaster.
Photo: Saul Loeb/AFP/Getty Images
Donald
Trump has scrambled the political spectrum in certain ways, and one of
them has been to introduce a new set of players to the national scene.
“Nationalists” or “populists” (as they now call themselves), or the
“alt-right” (as they used to call themselves), have been vying with
traditional Republicans for control of the Trump administration. The
nationalists tend to be pro-Russia, virulently anti-immigrant,
race-centric, and conspiratorial in their thinking.
Their current
project is a political war against National Security Adviser H.R.
McMaster, a conventional Republican who displaced the nationalist
Michael Flynn. The nationalist war against McMaster has included waves
of Russian social-media bots, leaks placed in the nationalist organ Breitbart, and undisguised anti-Semitism.
Most
observers outside the nationalist wing have treated McMaster as the
sympathetic party in the conflict. The Intercept’s Glenn Greenwald is a
notable exception. Greenwald has depicted the conflict, much like the
nationalists themselves have, as the machinations of the deep state to
prevent the authentic, democratically legitimate populist
representatives of Trumpism from exerting their rightful authority.
Greenwald himself is not a nationalist, and is certainly not a bigot,
but the episode has revealed a left-winger’s idiosyncratic sympathy for
the most odious characters on the right.
Greenwald lays out his thinking in a deeply, if inadvertently, revealing column denouncing anti-Trump saboteurs in the deep state.
The
foundation of Greenwald’s worldview — on this issue and nearly
everything else — is that the United States and its national-security
apparatus is the greatest force for evil in the world. “Who has brought
more death, and suffering, and tyranny to the world over the last six
decades,” he writes, “than the U.S. National Security State?” (This
six-decade period of time includes Mao’s regime in China, which killed
45 to 75 million people, as well as the Khmer Rouge and several decades
of the Soviet Union.)
In Greenwald’s mind, the ultimate expression of
American evil is and always will be neoconservatism. “It’s hard, for
instance, to imagine any group that has done more harm, and ushered in
more evil, than the Bush-era neocons with whom Democrats are now openly
aligning,” he argues.
The
neoconservatives have lined up against Trump, and many Democrats agree
with them on certain issues. Since the neocons represent maximal evil in
the world, any opponent of theirs must be, in Greenwald’s calculus, the
lesser evil. His construction that “it’s hard … to imagine” any worse
faction than the neocons is especially telling. However dangerous or
rancid figures like Steve Bannon or Michael Flynn may be, the
possibility that they could match the evil of the neocons is literally
beyond the capacity of his brain to imagine.
A
second source of Greenwald’s sympathy for the nationalists is their
populism. The nationalists style themselves as outsiders beset by
powerful, self-interested networks of hidden foes. And while their
racism is not his cup of tea, Greenwald shares the same broad view of
his enemies.
Trump
“advocated a slew of policies that attacked the most sacred prongs of
long-standing bipartisan Washington consensus,” argues Greenwald. “As a
result, he was (and continues to be) viewed as uniquely repellent by the
neoliberal and neoconservative guardians of that consensus, along with
their sprawling network of agencies, think tanks, financial policy
organs, and media outlets used to implement their agenda (CIA, NSA, the
Brookings/AEI think tank axis, Wall Street, Silicon Valley, etc.).”
It
is certainly true that all manner of elites disdain Trump. What’s
striking is Greenwald’s uncharitable reading of their motives, which
closely tracks Trump’s own portrayal of the situation.
Many elites
consider Trump too ignorant, lazy, impulsive, and bigoted for the job.
Instead Greenwald presents their opposition as reflecting a fear that
Trump threatens their wealth and power. (This despite the pro-elite tilt
of his tax and regulatory policies — which, in particular, make it
astonishing that Greenwald would take at face value Trump’s claim to
threaten the interests of “Wall Street” and its “financial policy
organs.”)
The
opposition to Trump naturally shares a wide array of motives, as would
any wide-ranging coalition. Greenwald’s column consistently attributes
to those opponents only the most repellant beliefs. He doesn’t even
consider the possibility that some people genuinely believe McMaster is a
safe, responsible figure who might help dissuade the president from
doing something terrible.
Greenwald emphasizes, “Hank Paulson, former Goldman Sachs CEO and George W. Bush’s Treasury Secretary, went to the pages of the Washington Post
in mid-2016 to shower Clinton with praise and Trump with unbridled
scorn, saying what he hated most about Trump was his refusal to consider
cuts in entitlement spending (in contrast, presumably, to the Democrat
he was endorsing).” It is true that Trump promised not to cut
entitlement spending. Greenwald’s notion that this promise placed him
“presumably in contrast” with Hillary Clinton ignores that fact that
Clinton alsopromised to protect these programs.
The
passage about entitlements appears deep in Paulson’s op-ed, which
Paulson began by lambasting Trump for encouraging “ignorance, prejudice,
fear and isolationism,” among other flaws. Greenwald asserts that
Paulson identifies Trump’s hostility to cutting entitlements as “what he
hated most” about the Republican nominee, but nothing in the op-ed
indicates this is what Paulson hated most.
Greenwald just made that part
up.
The
same concoction of motives is at work in Greenwald’s contempt for
McMaster and John Kelly, the new chief of staff. The pair of former
generals “have long been hailed by anti-Trump factions as the Serious,
Responsible Adults in the Trump administration, primarily because they
support militaristic policies — such as the war in Afghanistan and
intervention in Syria — that are far more in line with official
Washington’s bipartisan posture,” he writes.
Note
that “primarily.” Greenwald is arguing that news coverage treating them
as competent managers, as opposed to the amateurish nationalists, is
propaganda by the elite plumping for greater war in Afghanistan and
Syria. He is implying that if Kelly and McMaster took more dovish
positions on Afghanistan and Syria, their public image would be
altogether different. Greenwald supplies no evidence for this premise.
In fact, McMaster’s most acute policy struggle has been his efforts to maintain the Iran nuclear agreement, one which has placed him on the dovish side, against an established neoconservative position. Greenwald does not mention this issue, which fatally undermines his entire analysis.
The
final point of overlap between Greenwald and the nationalists is their
relatively sympathetic view of Russia. The nationalists admire Putin as a
champion of white Christian culture against Islam, a predisposition
Greenwald does not share at all. Greenwald has, however, defended Russia’s menacing of its neighbors, and repeatedly questioned its ties to WikiLeaks.
From
the outset, he has reflexively discounted evidence of Russian
intervention in the election.
“Democrats completely resurrect that Cold
War McCarthyite kind of rhetoric not only to accuse Paul Manafort, who
does have direct financial ties to certainly the pro — the former
pro-Russian leader of the Ukraine,” he asserted last year. (Manafort did have financial ties to that leader, a fact that was obvious at the time and which Manafort no longer denies.) Democratic accusations that Trump had hidden ties with Russia were a “smear tactic,” “unhinged,” “wild, elaborate conspiracy theories,” a “desperate” excuse for their election defeat, and so on.
As
evidence of Russian intervention piled up, Greenwald’s line of defense
has continued to retreat. When emails revealed a campaign meeting by
Russians on the explicit promise of helping Trump’s campaign, Greenwald brushed it off
as politics as usual: “I, personally, although it’s dirty, think all of
these events are sort of the way politics works. Of course if you’re in
an important campaign and someone offers you incriminating information
about your opponent, you’re going to want it no matter where it comes
from.”
This
closely tracks the Trump legal team’s own defense of the Russia
scandal, a fact that is probably coincidental. (There are only so many
arguments to make.) Greenwald is not a racist, and is the opposite
of a nationalist, and yet his worldview has brought him into close
alignment with that of the alt-right. A Greenwaldian paranoid would see
this quasi-alliance as a conspiracy. The reality of his warped defenses
of Trump is merely that of a monomaniac unable to relinquish his
obsessions.
A "veteran" spy is alleging that Russia is cultivating, supporting and
assisting Donald Trump and has been for at least five years. The spy
said the response from the FBI was "shock and horror."
The report alleges that Trump and his “inner circle” have accepted a
regular “flow of intelligence from the Kremlin and that Russian
intelligence claims to have “compromised” Trump on his visits and could
“blackmail him”.