By 
Conor Friedersdorf
This week, Alana Goodman, a reporter at the
 Washington Free Beacon, 
broke a story about Senator Rand 
Paul's 39-year-old social-media director, Jack Hunter, who "spent years working 
as a pro-secessionist radio pundit and neo-Confederate activist" under the name 
"Southern Avenger." "He has weighed in on issues such as 
racial 
pride and 
Hispanic 
immigration, and stated his support for the 
assassination 
of President Abraham Lincoln," Goodman reported. "During public appearances, 
Hunter often wore a 
mask on 
which was printed a Confederate flag."
In a follow-up article, Goodman 
reported that "controversial 
radio-pundit-turned-Senate-aide Jack Hunter's work caught the eye of the Paul 
family years before he was hired as Sen. Rand Paul's (R., Ky.) social media 
director," and that "it remains unclear whether Rand Paul was familiar with 
Hunter's inflammatory radio punditry when he hired him." Interviewed by 
the
 Free Beacon, "Hunter renounced most of his comments," and his article 
archive at 
The American Conservative, which dates back to July 2008, 
suggests that his thinking changed prior to this controversy. I wish every 
neo-Confederate would read these lines in his April 1, 2013 
column:
The 20-something me would consider the 30-something me a bleeding-heart 
liberal. Though I still hate political correctness, I no longer find it valuable 
to attack PC by charging off in the opposite direction, making insensitive 
remarks that even if right in fact were so wrong in form. I'm not the first 
political pundit to use excessive hyperbole. I might be one of the few to admit 
being embarrassed about it. This embarrassment is particularly true concerning 
my own region, the South, where slavery, segregation, and institutional racism 
left a heavy mark.  
I still detest those on the left and right who exploit racial tension for 
their own purposes. But I detest even more the inhumanity suffered by 
African-Americans in our early and later history. T.S. Eliot said, "humankind 
cannot bear too much reality," and it is impossible for those of us living in 
the new millennium to comprehend that absolute horror of being treated like 
chattel by your fellow man, or being terrorized by your neighbors, because of 
the color of your skin. Books, memorials, and museums will never be able to 
adequately convey such tragedy, at least not in any manner remotely comparable 
to the pain of those who lived it.
A bit farther back in his archive at 
The American Conservative, 
however, he displays all the cluelessness of nostalgists for the Confederacy, 
writing, 
"My entire adult life I have defended the Old South and the Southern cause in 
America's bloodiest war. Not because I support slavery or racism, but despite 
it. The positive parallels between what the Confederacy was fighting for in 1861 
and what the American colonists fought for in 1776 are many and obvious -- 
republican democracy, political and economic freedom, national independence, 
defense of one's homeland."
He has yet to renounce his secessionism.
In an effort to understand his views as fully as possible, I read all his 
columns from 
The American Conservative, bearing in mind Daniel McCarthy's 
claim 
that "anyone who reads them, while finding plenty to disagree with -- he's an 
independent thinker -- will not find hate. 
Naïveté, 
yes, and a certain obtuseness about minorities that's long been 
characteristic of the right."
That characterization is accurate. An April 14, 2011, 
column 
best captures the maddening way he thinks about secession:
If a liberal like Maddow's primary reason for denouncing 
nullification or secession is these concepts' popular association with the Old 
South and slavery, would Maddow have respected the Fugitive Slave Act -- or 
nullified it? Would the liberal host have agreed with Lincoln that runaway 
slaves should be returned to their masters? Would Maddow have opposed 
abolitionists' Northern secession? If she is opposed to nullification and 
secession in each and every instance -- as her rhetoric heavily implies -- would 
liberals like Maddow have occasionally found themselves in the strange position 
of supporting slavery?
What about today, where a de facto nullification 
remains in effect in California which continues to openly flout federal drug 
laws? Does Maddow believe residents in that state who are stricken with cancer 
or glaucoma deserve to be arrested for alleviating their pain with medicinal 
marijuana? Or does Maddow support nullification? Liberals do not want to be 
confronted with these uncomfortable philosophical contradictions concerning 
centralization vs. decentralization -- the debate that raged in 1776, 1861 and 
still rages today -- because any such intellectual exploration toward this end 
threatens the very heart of the Left's collectivist historical narrative. For 
progressives, the ever-increasing power of the federal government represents 
human liberation and political liberalization--period. 
This has been the 
Left's clarion call from FDR to Barack Obama, and any talk of devolving 
centralized power -- even in the name of what would typically be considered 
liberal causes -- is heresy.
Hunter gets one thing right: Secession and nullification aren't 
inherently wrong. The judges who tried to nullify the Fugitive Slave Act 
were doing God's work. If the federal government started rounding up all Muslim 
Americans, and liberal California tried to secede and offer them safe harbor, 
I'd proudly fly the banner of the Bear Flag Republic. And I believe that state 
governments are the rightful deciders when it comes to issues like gay marriage, 
marijuana legalization, and assisted suicide. Want to nullify the War on Drugs 
by refusing to cooperate with federal efforts to prosecute marijuana? Go for it, 
Colorado! Cite the Tenth Amendment. I'll back you. 
What the author fails to realize is that secession and nullification have bad 
names because, historically, in practice rather than theory, their use has 
overwhelmingly led to the subjugation of minorities and diminished liberty; and 
because, a few Vermonters aside, the maneuvers are almost always paired -- as 
Hunter pairs them! -- with a myopic Confederate nostalgia that poisons 
intellectual consideration of the concepts more than any central 
government-loving liberal. 
Centralization is often bad for liberty. Prohibition and the federal 
government's War on Drugs are examples. But the Union's victory in the Civil 
War, the Emancipation Proclamation, the 14th Amendment, and the incorporation 
doctrine were 
huge advances for liberty that every American ought to 
celebrate. 
And the form of government favored by Jefferson Davis' Confederacy? 
I'd like to associate myself with almost every 
characterization of it made by the Cato 
Institute's Jason Kuznicki:
Whatever others may say on the subject, I can't understand how anyone might 
admire the Confederacy and also call themselves a libertarian. Any affinity for 
the Confederacy marks one very clearly as an enemy of liberty.* 
The Confederate Constitution says all that needs to be said on the subject, 
and it answers all possible arguments to the contrary. Yes, the antebellum U.S. 
Constitution was clearly quite soft on slavery, and this is not at all to its 
credit. The best that can be said for it was that it was embarrassed 
about being quite soft on slavery -- amid all the other liberties it 
granted and all the other progress it made. Products of committees, do note, can 
be as schizophrenic as the committees that draft them. Our first attempt at a 
constitutional order was one such schizophrenic product, and in this respect, 
the antebellum U.S. Constitution was terrible. 
But the Confederate Constitution was vastly worse. What it lacked 
in schizophrenia, it more than made up for in pure, unadulterated, wholly 
consistent evil. Consider the following passages:
No law denying or impairing the right of property in negro slaves shall be 
passed. 
The citizens of each State shall be entitled to all the privileges and 
immunities of citizens in the several States; and shall have the right of 
transit and sojourn in any State of this Confederacy, with their slaves and 
other property; and the right of property in said slaves shall not be thereby 
impaired. 
No slave or other person held to service or labor in any State or Territory 
of the Confederate States, under the laws thereof, escaping or lawfully carried 
into another, shall, in consequence of any law or regulation therein, be 
discharged from such service or labor; but shall be delivered up on claim of the 
party to whom such slave belongs, or to whom such service or labor may be 
due. 
The Confederate States may acquire new territory... In all such territory the 
institution of negro slavery, as it now exists in the Confederate States, shall 
be recognized and protected be Congress and by the Territorial government; and 
the inhabitants of the several Confederate States and Territories shall have the 
right to take to such Territory any slaves lawfully held by them in any of the 
States or Territories of the Confederate States.
It would be a sick joke to stop merely at calling these provisions 
unlibertarian -- as if all but the exceptionally punctilious members of my 
little tribe might maybe tolerate them after all. 
These provisions are unlibertarian, but they are far worse than 
that. There is only one legal term that seems quite to do them justice. That 
term is hostis humani generis: The founders of Confederacy were the 
enemies of all mankind, as admiralty law holds slave-takers to be. War against 
slave-takers is always permitted, by anyone, without pretext or need 
for justification. The practice of slavery is to be crushed, so that mere 
humanity might live. Anyone who cares about human liberty -- to whatever degree 
-- ought to despise the Confederacy, ought to mock and desecrate its symbols, 
and ought never to let Confederate apologists pass 
unchallenged.
Want to go even deeper in the weeds? 
See 
Jonathan Blanks. "Because Confederate-secession defenders will not typically 
make arguments in favor of chattel slavery, they rely instead on the assumption 
that secession is an unbounded right and thus a state may leave a country for 
whatever reason it chooses," he writes. "To accept this premise, one has to 
bypass moral judgment on the cause of secession, yet affirmatively assign a 
morality to secession as a matter of preferred political procedure -- in common 
parlance as 'states' rights.' This turns the assumption of individual rights on 
its head, if the federalist procedure is to supersede the right of exit of any 
group or individual within that state, as the Confederacy's slave economy 
unquestionably did." 
Perhaps this critique has already persuaded, or will one day 
persuade, Hunter to renounce more of his past positions. "In radio, sometimes 
you're encouraged to be provocative and inflammatory," he told the Free 
Beacon. "I've been guilty of both, and am embarrassed by some of the 
comments I made precisely because they do not represent me today. I was 
embarrassed by some of them even then." It is a discredit to his character that 
he said things he didn't believe on the radio; just as I do not excuse Glenn 
Beck or Rush Limbaugh for spewing false, provocative nonsense for the sake of 
ego and/or lucre, I don't regard I misrepresented my opinions because I was 
in a dishonest medium to be any kind of excuse. 
I do respect Hunter's renunciations and rethinking, and the 
increased empathy that preceded this controversy. Within the world of 
commentary, I am disinclined to shun anyone earnestly seeking redemption from a 
past of talk-radio hackery -- talk about getting the incentives all 
wrong.
That doesn't change the fact that Hunter should resign his post 
immediately, because his continued presence can only undermine the effectiveness 
of his employer. Paul shouldn't have ever hired him, because even if -- to be 
overly charitable -- Paul wasn't aware of his objectionable views, or disagreed 
with all of them but didn't regard them as pertinent to the job, a Senate 
staffer's role is to help his boss govern, and any fool should've been able to 
see that having an avowed secessionist and Confederate nostalgist on staff would 
end in distraction, controversy, and many assuming (whether rightly or wrongly) 
an antagonism to blacks -- just as many Americans assumed, during the Jeremiah 
Wright scandal, that Obama harbored antagonism toward America. The political 
best practice "don't hire extremist former talk-radio hosts who spewed years of 
nonsense even they won't defend" didn't guide Paul's hiring when Hunter 
joined. 
- Paul sympathizes with Confederate nostalgia and secessionism. 
- Just as it made sense for Obama to associate himself with Jeremiah Wright to 
win over a certain sort of liberal Chicago voter, and made sense for him to 
disassociate himself with Wright to win over Americans generally, Rand Paul is 
constantly trying, on one hand, to retain the base of his father, and on the 
other, to increase his appeal to Americans generally. Insofar as he associates 
with secessionists and Confederate nostalgists, it is calculated, a bone he 
throws to the fringe of America that is disproportionately likely to bankroll 
money bombs; but the fringe stuff doesn't reflect his actual beliefs or 
governing agenda.
- He just liked the good things about Jack Hunter, has a higher tolerance than 
most for fringe beliefs, and a distaste for shunning people just because they 
have views that are offensive to many.
- Paul, like many pols, is strangely blind to the dumbest excesses or mistakes 
within his own ideology.
My bet would be on No. 2, which is neither the most nor least charitable 
explanation. But since I'm betting and not asserting, be assured that this is a 
question Paul will need to address directly. Perhaps not now, or ever, if he 
just wants to remain in the Senate; but sometime, if he runs for president in 
2016.
This whole episode is vexing to me. 
This week 
as much as last, I believe that Paul, like Ron Wyden, is one of several 
indispensable members of his chamber, where one voice can make a significant 
difference in policy. 
Paul is constantly speaking out against needless American 
involvement in foreign wars, most recently in Syria; so long as a vote on Iran 
could conceivably be the difference between a catastrophic war that could "
haunt 
us for generations," as Robert Gates put it, every non-interventionist is 
indispensable. He favors reforming mandatory minimum sentencing and forcing 
transparency on the surveillance state, and he's critical of a secretive drone 
campaign that has killed so many innocents. If Paul left the Senate tomorrow, it 
is vanishingly unlikely that anyone in Kentucky or anywhere else would start 
taking these and other stands, many of which speak directly to some of the most 
illiberal, unjust actions America carries out. In all these fights, Paul faces 
long odds.
Every association with neo-Confederates, or bit of evidence that 
he hasn't learned the lessons of his father's poisonous newsletters, doesn't 
just corrode his standing as a champion of liberty; nor is it just destructive 
of any presidential ambitions he harbors. It undermines his ability to achieve 
vital reforms, to avert foreign wars, to protect civil liberties or critique the 
War on Terror in any way. It strengthens the hands of his opponents on those 
issues, however illogically. 
And for what? What is gained by these associations?
Paul is perhaps thinking, as he's expressed before, that he wants 
to be judged on his actions in the Senate -- on the votes that he takes and the 
questions that he raises. He may say that his aide's opinions are irrelevant, 
given that neither he nor even the aide himself share most of them. He may 
argue, as I have done, that there is a double-standard in the way that 
Republicans, especially libertarian-leaning ones, are treated on the issue: that 
Paul is called a racist based on newsletters written by his father and 
talk-radio monologues delivered by his aide, while Michael Bloomberg remains 
unscathed, even as he himself presides over and defends racially profiling 
and secretly spying on innocent New York-area Muslim Americans, as well 
as the deeply-racist-in-practice Stop and Frisk. But even granting all of that, 
every word I've written above stands. 
So what should we think about Paul now?
Chris Hayes says that he very much likes some of the positions 
that Paul has taken, but that "in the final analysis, there are certain things, 
certain views, that just put you outside of the boundaries that get you listened 
to on anything. I'd say white supremacy is one of those. And association with 
people who hold those views, they render you unfit." ** I predict that if Paul 
makes a cogent point on drone policy, or surveillance policy, or a particularly 
compelling anti-war argument, Hayes will, in fact, listen to him, and even 
broadcast his words to others. 
I sure will.
And while there are many differences between the Obama-Wright 
controversy (which did not at all dissuade me from supporting Obama in 2008) and 
the current controversy over Hunter's remarks, there is this similarity: Both 
deal with how we ought to react to indefensible remarks made by someone a 
prominent politician chose to associate with, even after the remarks.
Chris Hayes of the 
Nation posted on April 29, 2008, urging his colleagues to ignore Wright. Hayes 
directed his message to "particularly those in the ostensible mainstream media" 
who were members of the list. The Wright controversy, Hayes argued, was not 
about Wright at all. Instead, "It has everything to do with the attempts of the 
right to maintain control of the country." Hayes castigated his fellow liberals 
for criticizing Wright. "All this hand wringing about just how awful and odious 
Rev. Wright remarks are just keeps the hustle going."
"Our country disappears 
people. It tortures people. It has the blood of as many as one million Iraqi 
civilians -- men, women, children, the infirmed -- on its hands. You'll forgive 
me if I just can't quite dredge up the requisite amount of outrage over Barack 
Obama's pastor," Hayes wrote. "I'm not saying we should all rush en masse to 
defend Wright. If you don't think he's worthy of defense, don't defend him! What 
I'm saying is that there is no earthly reason to use our various platforms to 
discuss what about Wright we find objectionable."
He later 
clarified, 
"My argument was that Wright's views and Obama's relationship to him simply 
weren't at all predictive of how Obama would govern or fundamentally revealing 
about the kind of president he would make." 
He was certainly right about that. 
As a whole, his take has many parallels to today's unapologetic Paul 
defenders: 
They say this is a distraction dredged up by neo-cons to maintain control of the 
Republican Party, that the hand-wringing just keeps the hustle going, and that 
considering the horrific policies that the U.S. implements and Paul opposes, 
being outraged about an associate's offensive comments is bizarre. 
What do I say? 
- Paul deserves much of the criticism he's getting, including what I've heaped 
on him above. If he can't see how this undermines his goals he should ask Will 
Wilkinson to explain it to him.
- Judging from Paul's time in the Senate, nothing about Hunter's controversial 
views have been at all predictive of how Paul has governed, and there is no 
credible case that they ever will be predictive. 
- If you'd never vote for Paul because he employs an aide who said lots of 
offensive stuff on talk radio but you did vote to reelect George W. Bush or 
Obama, who've both retained aides at the highest levels who were complicit in 
torturing other human beings, perhaps you should rethink what it is that 
you make into a litmus test -- more on that point here. 
Consider all that a tentative take, pending new facts and further 
reflection.
__
* Here's the one line I want to parse: "Any affinity for the Confederacy 
marks one very clearly as an enemy of liberty." That 
feels true to me. It 
would be true, if people were rational creatures. But I've encountered a lot of 
people whose affinity for the Confederacy is characterized by staggering 
historical ignorance, stubborn, irrational, myopic tribalism, pathological, 
selective over-intellectualization, and cognitive dissonance. Their commitments 
don't make any kind of sense when juxtaposed, which doesn't mean they don't 
believe them. It's a lot like the college students who have hammer-and-sickle 
flags on their wall, Che tees on their bodies, and ready defenses of Fidel 
Castro, but who also champion civil liberties and like capitalism. 
Weirdly, they exist. 
** Hayes goes on: 
Even if you take the most charitable view possible, that, say, you get three 
white supremacist strikes, Rand Paul is in trouble. Strike one was in 2009 when 
Rand Paul's Senate campaign spokesperson was forced to resign over a horribly 
racist comment and historical image of a lynching -- I am not making that up -- 
posted by a friend on his MySpace wall on Martin Luther King Weekend. It had 
been allowed to remain for almost two years. Rand Paul then went on the Rachel 
Maddow show, saying he didn't much like the Civil Rights Act, that was strike 
two. And now this, the Southern Avenger on the Senator's staff. That's three 
racist strikes. You're out. 
Seriously? Assigning Rand Paul a "white supremacist strike" because he 
employed a spokesman whose 
friend posted something offensive on the 
spokesman's MySpace page? And really, a "white supremacist strike" for taking 
the position that the Civil Rights Act did a lot of good things, but that he had 
some principled objections to the private business provision? I've 
criticized 
Paul's answer as wrongheaded, but it certainly isn't a white supremacist 
position. 
I wonder how many strikes would result if Hayes applied these same standards 
to, say, Bill Clinton. Who was it that he cited as his mentor? Ah, yes, 
a former 
segregationist. Strike one? We'd do well to reserve white supremacist 
strikes for people who actually believe in or advocate white supremacy.