That’s why the resident revoked my security clearance: to try to silence anyone who would dare challenge him.
Mr. Brennan was director of the Central Intelligence Agency from 2013 to 2017.
When
Alexander Bortnikov, the head of Russia’s internal security service,
told me during an early August 2016 phone call that Russia wasn’t
interfering in our presidential election, I knew he was lying. Over the
previous several years I had grown weary of Mr. Bortnikov’s denials of
Russia’s perfidy — about its mistreatment of American diplomats and
citizens in Moscow, its repeated failure to adhere to cease-fire
agreements in Syria and its paramilitary intervention in eastern
Ukraine, to name just a few issues.
When
I warned Mr. Bortnikov that Russian interference in our election was
intolerable and would roil United States-Russia relations for many
years, he denied Russian involvement in any election, in America or
elsewhere, with a feigned sincerity that I had heard many times before.
President Vladimir Putin of Russia reiterated those denials numerous
times over the past two years, often to Donald Trump’s seeming approval.
Russian denials are, in a word, hogwash.
Before,
during and after its now infamous meddling in our last presidential
election, Russia practiced the art of shaping political events abroad
through its well-honed active measures program, which employs an array
of technical capabilities, information operations and old-fashioned
human intelligence spycraft. Electoral politics in Western democracies
present an especially inviting target, as a variety of politicians,
political parties, media outlets, think tanks and influencers are
readily manipulated, wittingly and unwittingly, or even bought outright
by Russian intelligence operatives.
The very freedoms and liberties that
liberal Western democracies cherish and that autocracies fear have been
exploited by Russian intelligence services not only to collect
sensitive information but also to distribute propaganda and
disinformation, increasingly via the growing number of social media
platforms.
Having worked closely
with the F.B.I. over many years on counterintelligence investigations, I
was well aware of Russia’s ability to work surreptitiously within the
United States, cultivating relationships with individuals who wield
actual or potential power. Like Mr. Bortnikov, these Russian operatives
and agents are well trained in the art of deception. They troll
political, business and cultural waters in search of gullible or
unprincipled individuals who become pliant in the hands of their Russian
puppet masters. Too often, those puppets are found.
In
my many conversations with James Comey, the F.B.I. director, in the
summer of 2016, we talked about the potential for American citizens,
involved in partisan politics or not, to be pawns in Russian hands. We
knew that Russian intelligence services would do all they could to
achieve their objectives, which the United States intelligence community
publicly assessed a few short months later were to undermine public
faith in the American democratic process, harm the electability of the
Democratic candidate, Hillary Clinton, and show preference for Mr.
Trump. We also publicly assessed that Mr. Putin’s intelligence services
were following his orders. Director Comey and I, along with the director
of the National Security Agency, Adm. Michael Rogers, pledged that our
agencies would share, as appropriate, whatever information was
collected, especially considering the proven ability of Russian
intelligence services to suborn United States citizens.
The
already challenging work of the American intelligence and law
enforcement communities was made more difficult in late July 2016,
however, when Mr. Trump, then a presidential candidate, publicly called
upon Russia to find the missing emails of Mrs. Clinton. By issuing such a
statement, Mr. Trump was not only encouraging a foreign nation to
collect intelligence against a United States citizen, but also openly
authorizing his followers to work with our primary global adversary
against his political opponent.
Such
a public clarion call certainly makes one wonder what Mr. Trump
privately encouraged his advisers to do — and what they actually did —
to win the election. While I had deep insight into Russian activities
during the 2016 election, I now am aware — thanks to the reporting of an
open and free press — of many more of the highly suspicious dalliances
of some American citizens with people affiliated with the Russian
intelligence services.
Mr. Trump’s claims of no collusion are, in a word, hogwash.
The
only questions that remain are whether the collusion that took place
constituted criminally liable conspiracy, whether obstruction of justice
occurred to cover up any collusion or conspiracy, and how many members
of “Trump Incorporated” attempted to defraud the government by
laundering and concealing the movement of money into their pockets. A
jury is about to deliberate bank and tax fraud charges against one of those people, Paul Manafort, Mr. Trump’s former campaign chairman.
And the campaign’s former deputy chairman, Rick Gates, has pleaded guilty to financial fraud and lying to investigators.
Mr.
Trump clearly has become more desperate to protect himself and those
close to him, which is why he made the politically motivated decision to
revoke my security clearance
in an attempt to scare into silence others who might dare to challenge
him. Now more than ever, it is critically important that the special
counsel, Robert Mueller, and his team of investigators be allowed to
complete their work without interference — from Mr. Trump or anyone else
— so that all Americans can get the answers they so rightly deserve.
John O. Brennan was director of the Central Intelligence Agency from March 2013 to January 2017.
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A version of this article appears in print on , on Page A27 of the New York edition with the headline: Trump’s Claims Are Hogwash. Order Reprints | Today’s Paper | Subscribe
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